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    To browse Academia. Skip to main content. You're using an out-of-date version of Internet Explorer. Log In Sign Up. Tatiana Rabinovich. They represent a sex where a gendered Muslim subject is constituted, and discourses about national and transnational belonging are articulated. These processes take place against the backdrop of complex post-Soviet nation building, the resurgence of nationalism and xenophobia, gendered moralization campaigns, the promotion of an urban middle-class modernity, general decline in income levels of ordinary people and political instability in the larger Muslim world.

    This article musulmanskie the narratives that circulate in Muslim Magazine and Musulmanka and analyzes the modes of belonging and recognition that they espouse. I argue that the magazines depict respectable and productive Muslim citizens of Russia who are normalized and assimilated through the replication of privileged musulmanskie norms and of labor and leisure practices. The intimate juxta-political publics that sex on the pages of these magazines endorse a disciplined minority citizen who adheres to dominant gender norms.

    This incorporates difference into legible similarity and relegates contentious politics of gender, wex and racial privilege to the private domain. Along with the unrequited desire for national belonging, these magazines demonstrate affiliations with the global ummah.

    These discourses are frequently saturated with depoliticizing emotion and operate through exclusions. Hence, through the disciplining power of the market and intimacy, these magazines articulate desires for national belonging. Simultaneously, they reveal affective transnational attachments, musulmanskie although expanding the possibilities of belonging significantly musulmznskie them.

    Email: tatianar email. Despite the grow- ing visibility sex successful Muslim entrepreneurs e. Similarly, Nikolay Zakharov argues that ethnic and religious minorities in Russia are seen as migrants, who do not and cannot belong.

    For example, in an interview with the BBC, the former chief spokesman for the Federal Migration Service Konstantin Poltoranin said, What is now at stake is the survival of the white race. This is what we feel in Russia. We want to make sure sex mixing of blood happens in the right way here — not the way it happened in Western Europe, where the results have not been good. However, these issues do not affect Muslims of Russia equally. As scholars of intersectionality have musulmanskie, fac- tors such as gender, race, class, age, ethnic, regional and national belonging have to be taken into account in our analysis of the status of Muslim subjects in a given context.

    For example, an ethnically Slavic woman who converted to Islam, comes from an upper middle-class family and resides in Moscow will probably have a different life trajectory than a Chechen woman, who lives in Grozny, comes from a poor family and whose brothers have been arrested on terrorism charges. Hence, scholars of Islam in Russia such as Guzel Sabirova and Elena Omelchenko in Pilkington and Yemelianova invite us to examine the individual narratives and life trajectories of Muslim women and Downloaded from ecs.

    The archive for this article includes physical and electronic copies of Musulmanka a Muslim woman that was launched in Moscow in and Muslim Magazine that appeared in print in Moscow in By examining various articles, advertisements and opinion pieces, I ask what musulmanskie of subject is constituted and sex modes of belonging and recognition transpire on the pages of these magazines.

    Drawing from Jasbir Puar, the first part of this article explores the theme of consumption that normalizes and assimi- lates a gendered Muslim citizen within the national body. The intimate juxta-political publics Berlant, that flourish in these magazines musulmahskie a model minority citizen, who adheres to dominant musulmanskie norms and relegates contentious politics of gender, class and racial privilege in Russia to the private domain.

    The final part of this article analyzes attachments to the larger Muslim world that are suffused with longing, optimism and nostalgia and operate through exclusions. I ask what these attachments demonstrate, what relationships they advance and what political stakes they have. Some scholars have discussed the representations musuulmanskie women Weiner, ; Zuckerman, and used discourse and visual analysis to question musulmanskie modes of mmusulmanskie construction.

    Combining textual and ethnographic approaches, some theorists musulmasnkie drawn our atten- tion to the issues of consumption and stressed mjsulmanskie importance of audience research Hermes in Carter et al. This approach does not simply engage with disembodied texts — contributors to these maga- zines are also their readers and they simultaneously produce, consume, interpret, confirm and perhaps contest these discourses in their articles.

    References to diverse bodies of Downloaded from ecs. I have muusulmanskie with 17 physical copies and select online articles from Musulmanka published during the period when I conducted my research and with 5 physical issues of Muslim Magazine. I used open-coding to identify recurring themes, which included consumption, femininity and Zex geographies. Then, I broke down materi- als from different textual fragments according to these themes. The analysis of sex data uncovered underlying structures of meaning in these magazines e.

    Each issue of Musulmanka is devoted to a special musulmanskie e. On musulmanskid front page, readers can see a photograph of a successful Muslim woman e. Articles are accompanied by images mostly portraits and photographs that serve as visual illustrations to the theme. A word from the editor also opens every issue of Muslim Magazine; however, musulmanskkie are usually more abstract and revolve around sensuous experiences: In this issue, we have added sunlight, warm colors and bright thoughts to the obviously monochromatic reality.

    We mapped out interesting routes, narrated different life stories, suggested how to create new looks … We did not forget [to include] useful information for those who are planning to go on hajj in the upcoming year. Compared to Musulmanka, in Muslim Magazine, less emphasis is made on domesticity, yet its con- tent and aesthetics suggest that women are its primary audience.

    The tropes of domestic bliss, female fashion, romanticized wanderlust and food recipes are interlaced with other gendered scripts e. There is a variety of images presented in Muxulmanskie Magazine — from slick advertisements of products and services to sharp photo-essays of Islamic places — that are similar to the images in Musulmanka in terms of content but different in terms of aesthetics.

    Downloaded from ecs. Sex power of commodities Muslim Magazine belongs to the genre of glossy lifestyle magazines that is published on high-quality shiny paper and cover topics such as cultural events, fashion and architec- ture, travel and leisure, interviews and special sex musulmanskiie. Ramadan Book that includes Top 10 questions about Ramadan, healthy diet recommendations from Ramadan Doctor and world-wide halal recipes for Iftar Card; Katerina Perhova, 40— It comes out twice a year and has an electronic version, which features rubrics such as Faith, People, Clothes, Food, Places and Shopping.

    The uniqueness of the magazine is in the blending of couleur orientale with European respectability, conservativeness with innovation, spirituality with pragmatism. This magazine is for those who appreciate the eternal, live in the present and are confident about the future. Their ability to purchase status-conferring commodities and services e. Here, are two recommendations that the author provides, With the rightly selected wardrobe one can look Ssex and simultaneously adhere to the tenets of Islam.

    To do this, however, you yourself need to reach that level [of mental and intellectual emancipation]. Rahimova, 47 Downloaded from ecs. Thus, she does not critically musulmanskie gender- and religion- or race-based discrimination in the labor market and its ties to patriarchy in Russia Walby, 43— This incitement to entrepreneurialism, positive thinking and self-work perpetuates musulmanskue myth that the good life i.

    Thus, only a productive minor- ity subject could become a valid member of the nation, count on her inclusion into the national promise and live the good life. Narratives about femininity are legible within the national public sphere and musulmanskie contentious politics of gender, class and racial privilege in Russia to the private domain. In conversation with Berlant, I illustrate how the discourses that permeate Musulmanka magazine embrace femininity that is attuned to dominant gender norms and privatize gender, class and racial politics in Russia.

    In our correspondence, the co-editor of Musulmanka Nasima Bokova stated that the magazine targets Muslim mothers, housewives and working women between the ages of 20 and The publishing house Sadra publishes two issues per year with the circulation of copies.

    The magazine is privately financed. Its online version features articles by regular contributors that differ in terms of style and content. This is how one contributor sees the role of a Muslim woman in society: Mothers shape the future of our community, the level of its morality and civilizational development. From mothers children musulmansmie important ideals and values. The power of Muslim women as mothers is so strong that even the enemies of Islam recognize it.

    Zionists are not afraid of women-ministers or businesswomen. Ayelet Shaked is afraid of Muslim housewives. Sadr, Narratives about gendered virtues such as patience, compassion and kindness cele- brate normative femininity and foster bonds of reciprocity and intimacy between Muslim women. These ties became especially pronounced in the letters that readers wrote to Musulmanka to celebrate its fifth anniversary.

    Thus, a con- tributor to Musulmanka Leila Natalia Bahadory presents normative femininity as desir- able, natural and inevitable. In her article, she introduces two oppositional personalities — a family-oriented woman—hen and an adventurous woman—cat — and illustrates the indisputable advantages of the former: It is not shameful to be ordinary, if this is your inspiring, protecting and caring ordinariness. I would have continued to mock hens with a smirk that in fact concealed longing for homespun and ordinary happiness.

    Just as the previous gender regimes, the current order promotes hyper feminized working women and upholds male privilege. In Russia, these life choices include first sex foremost a het- erosexual conjugal family musulmanksie children at its center.

    Indeed, articles such as Happy Oh, God! Her life is built around procreation and filling her warm apartment with junk. She drags her husband into an infernal abyss. A graceful and affectionate woman-cat can save him. She is the lioness of God in miniature. Ezhova, It seems that here Fatima attempts to problematize musulmankie construction of domesticity- oriented femininity as natural and desirable or to propose a different sex within which the discussion could sex.

    But these attempts collapse in the following lines: A woman-cat helps her man feel strong and powerful. She has her personal space, thus, giving her man the time to realize his musulmamskie and projects. A cat raises little hunters and not biomaterial for a poultry farm. She opens up horizons in front of her man and does not destroy his masculinity in a musty suburban nest. There is no place for bourgeois lifestyle in Islam. Ezhova, Downloaded from ecs. Sex-based inequalities e.

    Such narratives continue to construct Muslim women as productive members of the nation via their primary duties as wives musulmanskie mothers, while presenting men as the ultimate decision-makers and providers. The final section of this article will illustrate how desire for national belonging expressed through the tropes of sex and intimacy overlaps with attachments to the larger Muslim world. Although these attachments expand the possibilities of belong- ing, they are saturated with depoliticizing emotion and operate through exclusions.

    Below are the examples that illustrate different genres, which articulate these affective affiliations: The city musulmanskie covered in snow, but the light breeze brought the anticipation of spring. I do not remember what musulmnaskie I was reading that night, but I realized that the time had come.

    I performed ablution, put on a veil and in a trembling voice recited the shahada from a piece of paper. Hot tears of happiness and atonement were running down my cheeks and there was nobody around to share this event with me … That day I realized that Palestine was not only the land of all prophets, but the homeland of all Muslims, my homeland.

    My italics; Safiullina, These were beautiful November days of the s.

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