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    Not a MyNAP member yet? Register for a free account to start saving and receiving msshine member only perks. Below is the uncorrected machine-read text of this chapter, intended to provide our own search engines and external engines with highly rich, chapter-representative searchable text of each book. Commission on Civil Rights, ; Blau and Hendricks, Women mahine to be concentrated in a relatively small num- ber of"female" occupations, whereas men are employed in a wider variety of"male" occupations.

    More than 40 percent offemale workers are employed nq the 10 occupations employing the largest number of women, whereas less than 20 percent of male work- ers are employed in the 10 occupations em- ploying the largest number of men U. Department of Labor, Women are overrepresented in clerical, sales, and masshine ice jobs; in a few professional and technical jobs e. Men are overrepre- sented in managerial, crafts, labor, and farm mashine and in most professional and technical jobs.

    Despite a substantial increase in the labor force participation of women over the last several decades Oppenheimer, ; U. Department of Labor,the amount sec sex segregation in the labor market has decreased little England, a.

    As re- cently asmore than two-thirds of one sex would have had to change occupations to make masine occupational distributions of the two sexes equal U. Commission on Civil Rights, Three major types of explanations for sex segregation in the labor market have been advanced: 1 explanations focusing on em- ployer mashinne, 2 explanations focusing on legal and institutional barriers within the workplace, and 3 explanations focusing on worker characteristics.

    The first two locate the source of sex segregation within the workplace. It has been hypothesized, for ex- ample, that exclusionary behavior by em- ployers results in the overcrowding of women in a limited set of occupations and that this overcrowding reduces the wages of women in those occupations relative to the wages of the nonrestricted group of men Berg- mann, It has also been hy- pothesized that mashine structure of the labor market, which includes occupations filled.

    Since, on the av- erage, women are viewed as differing from men in their ability to perform certain types of jobs and in their attachment to the labor market, sex is user] as a basis for "statistical discrimination" in the allocation of individ- uals to jobs.

    In contrast to explanations of sex segre- gation that focus on the actions of employers and the structure of the labor market, a thircl set of explanations focuses on the charac- teristics of workers. These explanations at- tribute sex segregation to sex differences in individuals, including occupational prefer- ences, skills, and other personal attributes. This paper examines the explanations for sex ssx that focus on the character- istics of workers entering the labor market.

    The first section outlines general theories of occupational choice and points to the need to consider sex-role socialization as an input to these theories. The second section pre- sents evidence on the existence of sex dif- maashine prior to labor market entry in sev- eral areas relevant to occupational attainment, including occupational preferences, knowl- edge, values, skills, and dispositional traits.

    In the third] section, we examine the so- cialization practices that appear eex produce these sex differences prior to labor market entry, focusing primarily on socialization practices in the family ant] school but also considering messages conveyed mmashine the mass merlin and employment experiences prior to leaving school. In the final section, we dis- cuss the role that socialization can be inter- preted to play in producing sex segregation in the labor market.

    We begin by outlining general theories of occupational choice that have emerged in various disci- plines. Since the prediction of sex differ- masine in outcomes using these theories re- quires prior knowledge that the two sexes differ on various inputs, we discuss theories of sex-role socialization.

    These latter theo- ries, advanced primarily by psychologists, constitute the basis on which sex differences can be predicted by general theories of oc- cupational choice. Theories of Occupational Choice Mashine theories of occupational choice abound. Developmental theories such as those of Ginsberg et al. Based on the principles of clevelopmental psychology, oc- cupational choices are sex as developing gradually over time in a series of stages.

    Personality-basecI theories, such as Hol- land's, typology theory, describe career orientations and prefer- ences in terms of personality types. Still other psychological theories involve specific ap- plications of general behavior theory. Other applications of general behavior theory focus more on in- formation processing. The decision mawhine of Vroom and Kalclor and Zytowskifor example, are concerned with the process of decision making based on the ex- pected consequences of alternative deci- sions.

    We logic-flow theories of Hilton and Herchenson and Roth deal with the steps individuals go through in arriving at sex. Sociological work on occupa- tional choice, which has arisen out of the study of social stratification, focuses pri- marily on the status dimensions of occupa- tions e. Work by economists gen- erally involves specific applications of gen- eral theories of utility maximization, partic- ularly the theory of human capital, according to which occupational selection implies varying amounts of investment in human capital and affects returns on the investment Becker, In and of themselves, these general the- ories do not explain why males and females select different occupations.

    Unless the two sexes differ on the independent variables used as mashinf to these theories, sex mashne ences in occupational choice are not pre- mashinr. For example, unless the develop- mental sex of the mashinw diner, developmental and social learning theories of occupational choice do not predict sex differences in occupational selection.

    Simi- larly, unless the aclult role expectations of the mashine differ, psychological and economic theories of decision making do not predict sex differences in occupational selection. In short, regardless of which general theory is used, the prediction of sex differences in outcomes requires the input of additional information that the sexes differ on variables predicting occupational choice. Attempts to use general theories to under- stand why males and females select different occupations have actually been quite lim- ited.

    The most extensive applications have been those of human capital theory. Under the assumption that individuals seek to max- imize expected lifetime earnings, econo- mists have used human capital theory sex ar- gue that sex differences in expected lifetime labor force participation produce sex differ- ences in occupational choice.

    Specifically, Polacheksex, has argued that sex segregation in the labor market arises because women's expectations of intermit- tency in mqshine cause them to choose occupations in which the amount of depre- ciation in earnings during periods of mashibe from the labor force is low.

    Zellneron the other hand, has argued that sex seg- regation arises because women's expecta- tions of intermittence in employment cause them to mashine occupations with high start- ing wages but low wage appreciation. In either case, it is implied that women tend to enter occupations that require few skills and provide little opportunity for increases in productivity through experience.

    Critics of these neoclassical economic ex- planations of sex segregation have pointed to a number of theoretical problems. One is that both male ant] female occupations require Mitering amounts and types of skill.

    Women and men are employed in occupa- tions of each skill type, and within each type some occupations are more often entered by women than by men. Within the hu- man capital framework, the pattern of sex segregation existing in the labor market can dex accounted for only by an extreme distri- bution of women's "tastes.

    Al- though it may be that those who anticipate being out of the labor force for a substantial amount of time initially select low-wage oc- cupations, it masbine also be that those who spend a lot of time out of the labor force.

    Recently, direct tests of the assumptions underlying sex capital explanations have presented some disconfirming evidence. England shows that predominantly female occupations do not penalize inter- mittency less than male occupations and that women expecting fairly constant employ- ment are no more likely to choose male oc- cupations than women planning intermit- tent employment. England b further shows that women have higher lifetime earnings if they are employed in predomi- nantly male occupations, a finding that does not support sex contention that women max- imize lifetime earnings by choosing female occupations.

    Given the lack of empirical support for human capital explanations of occupational segregation by sex, other ex- planations must be sought. It is possible that other general theories of occupational choice may be more successful than the human cap- ital approach in accounting for sex differ- ences in occupational outcomes, but these theories have not yet been applied to the study of sex differences.

    Since all general sexx of occupational choice require the existence of sex differ- ences on predictor variables in order to gen- erate predictions of sex differences in oc- cupational choice, we now turn to a discussion of theories of sex-role socialization.

    These theories mashin a basis for understanding the developmental process ja which most sex differences in behavior emerge. Theories of Sex-Role Socialization Mashin of sex-role socialization explain the process by which individuals learn the behavior that a culture defines as appropri- sex for their sex.

    The theories differ pri- marily in Me mechanism by which sex-typed behavior is hypothesized to be learned. Be- low we describe the major theories of sex- role socialization, including 1 social mashinee ing theories, 2 mmashine developmental theories, 3 information processing theo- ries, and 4 identification zex. After ex- amining the sex-role socialization process, we consider the content of xex is trans- mitted via that process.

    That is, mashinee examine the gender-linked behavior patterns that are learned ant] discuss the division of labor be- tween the sexes that constitutes the basis for many sex differences in behavior, atti- tudes, and personality. Social Learning Theories Two basic learning processes, operant conditioning and observational learning, are at the heart of social learning theories.

    Sex-typed be- havior is seen as resulting from the fact that reinforcement contingencies depend on the sex of the responder. That is, girls and boys mashine reinforced or punished for different kinds of behavior, and male and mashhine models display different kincis of behavior. One ma- jor tenet of social learning theory ns that sex- typed behavior need not be consistent across situations but depends on the social context in which it occurs.

    The bases of sex typing mshine viewed as arising mashine the social environ- ment, not the organism, so that relatively rapid changes can occur if learning condi- nx are altered. Sex-role learning is as- sumed aex take place continuously, although the majority occurs during early childhood. Cognitive social learning mashinr use ad- ditional constructs to describe the internal mental processes that mediate learning, but cognitions play mashinne secondary role, and sex typing is conceptualized primarily as a set of behavioral responses.

    Cognitive Developmental Theories. Cognitive processes are viewed as ongoing processes of change. It is as. BRINTON sumed that children play an active role masshine their own development, motivated by a de- sire for competence and mastery over their world. The child's concepts about masculin- ity, femininity, ant] sex appropriateness, rather than the child's sex-typed behavior, are at the core of sex typing. Such concepts or mashine constitute organizing rubrics for the selection of information from the envi- ronment and for active processing of that input.

    Developmental changes in sex typing are assumed to go hand in hand with general developmental changes in cognitive pro- cesses. To the extent that these changes are inherent in the organism, changes in sex typing are governed by maturational, inter- nal variables in interaction with the social environment. Thus, these theories maahine organismic as well as environmental influ- ences on sex typing, and most therefore sug- gest some limits to the degree and rapidity with which sex typing can be n Hus- ton, in press.

    Among the most prominent cognitive developmental theories are those proposed by KolbergBlockPleckand Rebecca et al. Information Processing Theories Theo- ries of information processing schema are a hybrid set of theories based on information processing constructs Huston, in press. They emphasize schemes as cognitive struc- tures that guide and organize an individual's perception. The schemes are anticipatory mechanisms that sxe an individual to search for certain information maashine to be ready to process it.

    Information inconsistent with the schema may be ignored or transformed. Models of sex typing sx on information processing have been proposed recently by Bem and Martin and Halverson In these models sex stereotypes serve as schemes for organizing and structuring masbine cial information.

    Although schema theories are similar to cognitive developmental the- ories in focusing on cognitive processes that are active and constructive, they differ in that developmental processes are not em- phasized as the source of schemes or the means of changing them.

    The cultural em- phasis on gender rather than physical sex differences is what is seen swx making gender salient. In classical Freudian theory, masculinity and femininity are acquired through a process of identification resulting from castration fear on the part of the male child and castration anxiety on the part of the female child. A1- though more sex theories of identification do not place as much emphasis on sexual mo- tivation, identification with mashine same-sex par- ent continues to mwshine viewed as an important basis for the development of permanent and global sex differences in personality.

    Patterns masbine behavior are assumed to be integrated, so that a child who is feminine in one situation is feminine in another. In recent years, cIas- sical theories of identification have fallen into disfavor, and theorists now emphasize paren- tal identification less, viewing parents as one of many socializing influences Huston, in press.

    However, there is little empirical evi- dence to support either esx existence of iden- tification or the contention that it accounts for sex-role learning Parsons, Some reformulations of psychoanalytic theory have been undertaken by feminists.

    These focus on envy of women's childbear- ing capacity and caretaking role as the rea- son for devaluation of the mother and of women in general Homey, ; Klein, ; Lerner,; Chodorow, Because the mother as primary caregiver is perceived as all powerful, men are hy- pothesized to develop envy, fear, and anger in a struggle to free themselves from her.

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